The North Caucasus is the most multinationalterritory of the Russian state. Such a factor causes the danger of territorial integrity of the country in the event of interethnic, religious and ethnic conflicts. This could not but be reflected, when Russia's internal policy in the North Caucasus was formed in the 1990s of the 21st century.
North Caucasus occupies one of the leading places.by the number of people living in its territory. Analyzing the demographic statistics, it can be concluded that the number of Caucasian inhabitants is increasing exponentially. So, in 2002, about 6 million people lived here. The census conducted in 2010 witnessed a huge increase in this indicator to 14.8 million people.
National composition of the North Caucasusis diverse. This is due to the fact that it includes 7 large regions: Ingushetia, Chechnya, North Ossetia, Dagestan, Chechnya, Kabardino-Balkaria, Stavropol Territory, Karachay-Cherkessia. At the same time, the population of Dagestan is about 3 million people, Chechnya - more than 1 million people.
In such a compact area is concentratedmore than 150 nations, ethnic groups and indigenous peoples. Very often among the inhabitants of the region there are major confrontations that develop into irreconcilable conflicts. In addition, after the collapse of the USSR, the tendency of confrontation between the Muslim world and the Orthodox arose, which led to the outflow of Russian inhabitants from the territory of the Caucasus. Thus, the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus in the 90s had objective reasons that required lightning-fast resolution.
After the collapse of the USSR, the North Caucasus had a largerange of outstanding issues. In other words, the democratic processes that affected the entire territory of Russia met with numerous problems hampering the development of the region.
First, Russia's domestic policy in the NorthThe Caucasus in the 90s was not fully thought out. Despite the fact that the inhabitants of the region had all the rights on a par with the Russian population, there was an unshakable opinion in power that representatives of these peoples could not implement a competent policy in the territory of the subject. In other words, the federal authorities did not completely trust local officials who live in the North Caucasus. The only way to resolve the current situation was found in the form of management of the republic by officials from Moscow.
In addition, we should not forget thatunreasoned domestic policy in the North Caucasus has become a stumbling block in the economic development of the subject. The development of the industrial complex took place on a residual basis. In addition, the population became the owner of a dilapidated ecological system, plundered natural resources. Not allocated and the social infrastructure of the region. Most of the small towns and villages did not have schools and hospitals, which left an imprint on the well-being of the life of the population. All this was a consequence of the fact that domestic policy in the North Caucasus was not fully developed by the federal authorities.
Secondly, on the territory of the specified regionthere were unresolved problems associated with repressed citizens during the Second World War. Neither the federal nor the local authorities sent from Moscow tried to resolve such an incident, which aggravated an already confrontational situation.
Thirdly, the economic backwardness of the regionsignificantly affected the welfare of the population. Non-payment of wages, unemployment have become determinants of the development of drunkenness, crime, drug addiction and other social problems.
Fourthly, territorialProblems. Numerous nations began to claim the neighboring territories, to the disputed lands. Separate peoples began to make more and more claims, including Ossetians, Lezghins, Nogais, and others.
Fifth, the increase in unemployment, which caused a rise incrime and terrorism. This has become a problem at both the local and federal levels. The trend towards the emergence of religious-national groups, which began to have a direct impact on officials, lobbying their interests, has intensified.
All these facts required that Russia's domestic policy in the North Caucasus change. The reasons are not exhausted by the listed list, as the tension increased every year.
Russia's domestic policy in the North Caucasus is notseems complete without analyzing the events that unfolded in the 90s in Chechnya. The complication of relations in the region occurred during the rule of Dudayev, when the policy of genocide of the Russian, Jewish and Armenian population living in this territory was pursued. Since the infringement of the rights of peoples is a direct and gross violation of the norms of international and Russian law, the policy of oppression was not brought to the official level, but was not repressed by the existing authorities and law enforcement agencies.
Cleaning the Russian-speaking population wascomprehensive in the capital of the region - the city of Grozny. Families were robbed, attacked. Killing has become commonplace. This became the basis for the diversion of the educated population, which was the backbone for the economic, scientific and cultural development of the subject. Thus, the period of Dudaev’s rule can be considered a black page in the history of the North Caucasus.
Dudayev’s radical policy could not staywithout response of opposition forces, which increased their influence. In the spring, the opposition was ready to hold a referendum on all the pressing issues relating to the future life of Chechnya. However, Dudayev decided to switch to violent methods of fighting dissenters, which caused numerous casualties among the population.
Dudaev's powerful equipment was aimed at the building.police, which kept the documentation for the future referendum. Tanks destroyed the building. Police officers were killed. This was the final point, which confirmed the end of the peace process in the region.
Внутренняя политика России на Северном Кавказе moved to a more aggressive direction. The opposition gained the support of the Kremlin. The first units of Russian military equipment arrived in the region; a campaign was planned for the capital of Chechnya. However, he was completely failed. Dudayev was fully prepared to repel the military power of the opposition. Opposition forces suffered enormous technical and human losses. The spirit of the army was crushed.
После провала операции в Чечне была изменена Russia's domestic policy in the North Caucasus, the reasons for which participants are constantly changing. The primary role in the new branch of the conflict began to play Russian troops, which were to enter the territory of Grozny as peacekeeping forces. But this did not happen.
Generals and officers pursued their own interests.Russian military forces gained both their supporters and tough opponents. Among the army, the slogan "Russians against Chechens" was strengthened, which was the main delusion of ordinary soldiers. Over time, the opposition, which supported Russia, went to the side of Dudayev. But despite this, the numerical and military power of the Russian forces was several times stronger.
Numerous strikes on Grozny, strippingmade possible the proclamation of the military administration in the territory of Chechnya, to which control passed. Such a denouement was unprofitable for the Kremlin, as there was a risk of increasing the power of the military junta. The domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus in the 90s, in short, turned in a different direction. The offensive of Basayev’s forces began, which caused the loss of the Russian troops and, as a result, the conclusion of the Khasavyurt agreements.
Of course, the Chechen war did not pass without a trace.The transformation was very impressive. First, there was a rearrangement of political forces in the region. Democratic forces have completely lost support in Chechnya. All opposition figures were either killed during armed conflict or fled to Moscow. In addition, the very idea of democratic change in a conservative republic, where religious groups were running, fell.
Secondly, there was no unity amongnationalist Islamist groups. This is due to the fact that a radical Islam is widely spread - Wahhabism. Its representatives proclaimed a jihad policy on the territory of Chechnya. The most ardent supporter was Basayev, who dragged on a radical youth.
Thus, it can be stated that the domestic policy of Russia in the North Caucasus of 1990-2011 introduced significant changes in the life of the region.
By the beginning of the XXI century the situation in Chechnyaworsened. The Basayev grouping began to gain more and more authority. Grozny became a hotbed of terrorists. The threat has become comprehensive. Thus, Russia's domestic policy in the North Caucasus, in short, had to respond to new challenges and threats.
The last straw that played a decisive rolewas the invasion of Dagestan. The conservative forces of the region, headed by Kadyrov, became more active. They were able to rethink the idea of a national state of Chechnya, imposing a false ideology of Wahhabism and the politics of jihad.
Chechen conservative forces, despiteown views, were able to rethink the alliance with Russia. A strong army, developed military tactics have become an excellent help in the fight against the radicals. Kadyrov's supporters resignedly surrendered their territories to the Russian military, thereby providing comprehensive assistance in armed conflict. Over time, the CRI passed under the control of the Russian military. Maskhadov, the leader of the republic, went over to the side of the Wahhabis, having gone underground. In 2005 it was liquidated.
As a result of the war in Chechnya, Ahmad came to powerKadyrov. In 2003, according to the results of democratic elections, the leader was proclaimed president of the Chechen Republic. Close cooperation with Russia gave its advantages. The restoration of the infrastructure of the region has begun. The civilian population was able to receive social services in full. In addition, there was a consolidation of power. Democratic, conservative groups have come to a common denominator, which guaranteed political stability in Chechnya.
On the territory of Chechnya, there are rudimentsformation of an authoritarian state. The personality of the leader of the republic is raised to a cult. Nor are gangster groups exterminated. The North Caucasus is still considered the "cauldron" of terrorism. Subversive acts of suicide bombers cause numerous casualties among civilians.
Thus, we can conclude thatThe internal policy of the Russian Federation on the territory of the North Caucasus has been significantly transformed. However, problems still exist today. Only comprehensive attention to this subject will help stabilize the situation in the multinational region of Russia.
